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For comparison purposes we instead estimated binary logit models with different cutoff points. Out of the respondents, 59 percent felt older most or all of the time; 71 percent of those aged 18—22 felt adult most or all of the time.

We discuss the differences that arise under these specifications after we report the findings with our original cutoffs. Similar to the dependent variables, the very notion of hardship suggests one end, rather than a continuous distribution, of experience.

As such, we measured hardship with dichotomous or categorical indicators to capture this distributional end. Based on prior research primarily in the area of household and family responsibilities, we expect subjective age to be highest in single-parent families, followed by stepfamilies, with those in married biological-parent families having the youngest subjective ages. We measured economic hardship through a series of dummy variables that calculate household income during adolescence as a percentage of federal poverty thresholds 0— percent, — percent, — percent, — percent, and greater than percent , which account for the number of people in the household.

An additional variable indicates respondents who were missing income information. To measure perceived lack of safety, we combined adolescent reports of whether they usually feel safe in their neighborhood yes or no and at their school strongly agree to strongly disagree. To measure violence exposure, we combined reports of whether adolescents witnessed or experienced violence. The original responses included 0, 1, or 2 for more than once. We summed responses across the five items and distinguished adolescents with minimal exposure to violence 0 — 1 from those with greater exposure 2 — We selected this threshold based on the severity and infrequency of the violence referenced in these items.

Measures of adult role transitions were obtained from Wave III. With respect to heavy responsibilities, we were able to tap into the specific forms of household and paid-work responsibilities. We believe there are other relevant responsibilities e. As a result, we may underestimate the effects of heavy housework. Because research has shown that 20 or more hours of paid work during adolescence is an important approximate threshold for excessive work involvement National Research Council , we distinguished adolescents who reported in Wave I typically working 20 or more hours per week during the school year from those working fewer hours or not at all.

Employment at this intensity is more adult-like and we expect it captures heavier responsibility. We also examined whether the effect of housework and paid work on subjective age was stronger for younger respondents based on the assumption that our measures would better capture violations of age norms at Wave I for the younger respondents.

Our measures of anticipating a shorter life span were based on responses to two questions in Wave I: Because they represent conceptually distinct processes, we kept these as separate indicators in our models and in each case distinguished those who expected death a 50—50 chance or less of being alive at age 35 and a 50—50 chance or greater of being killed by With the exception of chronological age, which reflected age reported at Wave III, these variables were measured at Wave I.

We measured residential stability in Wave I as the duration since last move in years. Descriptive statistics on the study measures appear in Table 1. Consistent with our expectations, each type of hardship was significantly associated with both feeling relatively older and, for those aged 18—22, feeling adult.

Those with older subjective ages were less likely to be living with both biological parents in adolescence and were disproportionately from poor or near-poor families. Those with older subjective ages also disproportionately felt unsafe and experienced higher levels of violence in adolescence. National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health Analyses correct for complex survey design stratification and clustering.

The measures of potential mediating experiences were also related to feeling relatively older and feeling adult as expected. Those with older subjective ages as young adults had been engaged in more frequent housework and more paid work than other adolescents.

Those with older subjective ages were also less likely as adolescents to have expected to live to 35 and were more likely to have expected to be killed by Several sociodemographic variables were also related to feeling relatively older and feeling adult.

Those who felt older and adult all of the time were less likely to be white or Asian and more likely to be black. They were also disproportionately from families with less-educated parents and who had moved more recently. Chronological age, gender, and nativity were not associated with feeling older, but older respondents, women, and native-born respondents were more likely to report feeling adult. We examined our hypotheses about hardship and the processes through which it shapes subjective age in a series of logistic regression models shown in Table 2 for both dependent variables.

Model 1 includes only the control variables. Transforming the regression coefficients to odds ratios e b indicates that blacks were 51 percent more likely to feel older e. Older respondents, those from families with less-educated parents, and those who had experienced more recent residential moves were also more likely to feel older and adult all the time.

Additional control variables predicted feeling adult but not feeling older, including being female, being white compared to Latino, and being US-born. We introduced the hardship measures in Model 2. When economic hardship is considered without the other hardship domains, the two poorest income categories significantly predicted feeling older compared to the highest category supplemental model not shown , but in Model 2 the only significant income difference was that respondents from — percent of the poverty line were 27 percent more likely to feel adult than those from the highest income category.

We found through estimating several additional models not shown , which considered the indicators of hardship singly and in combination, that adolescent family structure accounted for the relationship between economic hardship and feeling older. Feeling unsafe as an adolescent also predicted feeling older in young adulthood, as did experience of violence, increasing the likelihood of feeling older by 58 percent and 62 percent respectively.

For feeling adult, only exposure to violence was significant, raising the likelihood by 40 percent. Most notably, the coefficients for non-Latino black were reduced significantly. Reductions were also evident for chronological age, parental education, nativity, and residential mobility. Frequent housework in adolescence predicted feeling adult and feeling older in young adulthood, and intensive paid work predicted feeling older in young adulthood. But because supplemental analyses see supplemental tables provided at SPQ website, www.

We examined whether the effects of housework and paid work were stronger for younger sample members, but interaction terms were not statistically significant not shown. Neither measure of expecting a very curtailed life course predicted subjective age in the multivariate models and therefore did not mediate any of the hardship effects.

Experiencing some types of adult role transitions by Wave III, however, was not only strongly associated with having an older subjective age, but also mediated some of the hardship effects see Baron and Kenny for a discussion of mediation criteria.

Among the hardship and role transition measures in Model 3, feeling unsafe had a larger effect than any of the role transitions on feeling older, but the effect of parenthood was largest on feeling adult; indeed, none of the hardship measures significantly predicted feeling adult once role transitions and the other potential mediators were included.

In conjunction with supplemental analyses see note 6 and Model 3 of supplemental table A2 provided at SPQ website , the analyses show that the significant effects of hardships from each of the three domains were fully mediated by role transitions: It is also notable that the effects of chronological age, gender, and nativity on feeling adult were substantially mediated in Model 3, as were the effects of parental education on both measures of subjective age.

Of course, hardship is not randomly distributed across the population; rather, it tends to be compounded. The cumulative effects of hardship across domains are evident in Figure 1 , in which we present the predicted probabilities of feeling older and feeling adult all the time for different hypothetical respondents. While experience with each type of hardship was positively associated with experiencing each other type, there was no small number of prevalent combinations of hardships which we could use to portray predicted probabilities.

Instead, we illustrate the compounding effect by introducing each dimension of hardship and building on previous ones. The first set of predictions is based on Model 2, which includes all hardship measures. In these predictions, we set the value of continuous measures to their mean and categorical measures to their mode. We manipulated the values of several hardship measures systematically.

The first 5 predictions are based on Table 2 , Model 2. The last 2 predictions are based on Table 2 , Model 3. At the far left, we present the predicted probability of feeling older for an advantaged hypothetical respondent whose household income was in the highest category, who had two biological parents in the household, and did not feel unsafe or experience violence with average values for all other variables. This scenario represents a very common pattern for respondents, 48 percent of whom did not experience any type of hardship.

This hypothetical respondent had a low predicted probability of feeling older all the time at Wave III, at 0. His predicted probability of feeling adult all the time was 0. In comparison, 17 percent of all respondents felt older all the time and 37 percent felt adult all the time weighted means. These predictions demonstrate that the effects of hardship on subjective age are cumulative across domains.

As hardships compounded across the figure, the predicted probability of feeling older tripled and the predicted probability of feeling adult increased by 63 percent.

For the second comparison in Figure 1 , we used Model 3 from Table 2 and manipulated the number of adult role transitions made by a hypothetical respondent who has experienced hardship across all domains. When he experienced no adult role transitions, his predicted probabilities of feeling older and feeling adult were 0. Although our interest was in those with the oldest subjective ages i. For the analysis of feeling older in Table 2 , hardship results differed in that the other two-parent family coefficient was not fully mediated in Model 3.

The household income effects were also stronger. The — percent and — percent of poverty threshold coefficients were significant in Model 2, and they were reduced but remained significant in Model 3. Feeling unsafe was not significantly related to feeling older in either model, indicating its relevance only for those with the oldest relative ages.

There were also two changes in the effects of the adult role transitions. Those working full-time were more likely to feel older most or all of the time though they were not more likely to feel older all of the time, and student status was no longer predictive of subjective age when we considered feeling older most or all of the time.

The single-mother family coefficient was significant in Model 2, but as with the other coding scheme, it was not significant in Model 3. In Model 3, housework and student status were not significant. The process of growing up, and aging more broadly, varies in pace across individuals.

What we argue and find in this study has implications for understanding age identities as well as identities more broadly, and contributes to several important life-course debates.

The current study generally supports our argument that hardship in childhood and adolescence fosters an older subjective age in early adulthood. We do not measure those age-related expectations directly, but instead identify a set of experiences we hypothesize are age non-normative, each stemming from one or more hardships. Respondents who had made adult role transitions held older subjective ages than those who had not yet done so.

Establishing an independent household was also important to feeling older, and working full-time was important for feeling adult all of the time. In terms of taking on responsibilities, frequent housework in adolescence was associated with feeling older and feeling adult and intensive paid work in adolescence was associated with feeling older. Contrary to our hypotheses, however, anticipating a sharply curtailed life span during adolescence was not associated with an older subjective age in multivariate models.

Previous consideration of this process has focused on older populations. Of these three types of experiences, only with respect to adult role transitions did we find evidence of mediation. All but one of the significant hardships were either fully or partially mediated by role transitions. The effects of hardships on feeling adult were mediated somewhat more strongly than on feeling older.

It is interesting to note that the effect of chronological age on feeling older is fully mediated by hardship though the coefficient changes little until role transitions, housework, and high-intensity paid work are added , and the effect of chronological age on feeling adult is partially mediated 55 percent of the effect by role transitions and housework.

In other words, social processes account for most or all of the effect of chronological age on subjective age identity, as many social scientists working in this area would expect. Our analyses of the hypothesized mediation processes were limited in two important ways that need to be addressed in future research. First, we lacked measures of very high levels of involvement in housework, and of financial responsibilities, contributing income to the family, and significant involvement in caring for siblings or older family members that may mediate the effects of hardship we observe.

Second, subjective age was only measured at one time-point in our study, and as a result, we cannot know whether the responsibilities and roles we examine precede older age identities. For example, high-intensity employment in adolescence or early entry into adult roles could be more common among those who already felt older.

Our consideration of age-related cultural expectations and examination of the case of age identities also advances our understanding of identities more broadly. Identity theory Stryker and Burke , which encapsulates the primary scholarship on identities in contemporary sociological social psychology, conceptualizes identities as based in roles.

Scholarship in this tradition tends to move forward from this conceptualization to better understand identity salience, behavioral choice, self-verification, and other aspects of identity processes, with little attention to other bases of identity. Our findings affirm the importance of roles, but also suggest the value of continued consideration of the bases of identities. Adult social roles had some of the largest effects on feeling older and self-perceived adulthood.

Yet non-role factors also shape subjective age identities. These factors include age-graded responsibilities, which we tapped into through the frequency of performing housework and intensity of paid employment, as well as lack of safety and exposure to violence, which constituted an experience of hardship significantly related to feeling older even with our identified mediators controlled.

Further attention to these sources of age identities will likely prove useful in building a broader theoretical understanding of how identities develop. Our findings also speak to several ongoing discussions in the life-course tradition. First, findings from this study support a key distinction from this tradition: The distribution of responses to our measure of relative age indicates this most clearly: It is thus statistically normative to feel non-normative.

Like the children of Lake Wobegon who are all above average, young people in the United States disproportionately feel older than others their age. Previous studies indicate this changes as people get older. Adults in their thirties and beyond tend to report younger subjective ages compared to their chronological age Montepare and Lachman ; Galambos et al.

Second, rapid change in the demography of the transition to adulthood has led to an important debate on the relevance of adult social roles in understanding the contemporary nature of adulthood in Western societies e. Finally, the effect of early hardship on the self-concept has long been of interest to life-course social psychologists and the findings of this study contribute to this line of inquiry as well. The primary foci in this area have been the implications of hardship for self-efficacy and self-esteem e.

We join another recent study in expanding the scope of consideration, showing that hardship is associated with another aspect of the self-concept: The ways that young people interpret their place in the life course and temporal dimensions of their lives, including the pace of aging, are linked to early hardship.

Much work is still needed on the implications of older subjective ages during adolescence and young adulthood. Our contributions in the current study do not hinge on whether older age identities in this stage of the life course are detrimental or beneficial, but that question deserves additional attention.

Having an older subjective age is associated with adolescent substance use, problem behavior, and more involvement with opposite-sex peers Arbeau, Galambos, and Jansson ; Galambos et al.

Subjective age could be a mechanism reproducing or maintaining disadvantages from childhood or adolescence into adulthood. And yet, feeling older may also facilitate taking more mature approaches to solving problems and accepting responsibility for oneself and others.

Moreover, having an older subjective age may be an adaptive response that enables adolescents to make the best of difficult situations.

Initial positive benefits could, alternatively, be combined with later difficulties, however, and vice versa. Perhaps the larger question might be posed in terms of when having an older subjective age is detrimental and when it is beneficial.

We see several potentially important distinctions to consider. First, the implications of developing older subjective ages in adolescence may depend on the level of agency afforded the adolescent. Some young people may choose to take on greater responsibilities and make earlier transitions.

Young people who do not anticipate attending college in the future and who invest heavily in paid work during adolescence Mortimer may fall into this group. In contrast, hardship by its very definition is something that is thrust upon children and adolescents, and thus we might expect more negative consequences. A second distinction is likely important, though, and that is whether in developing an older subjective age, young people also develop genuine maturity.

Even those thrust into demanding situations may rise to the challenge, developing successful coping skills and becoming more autonomous and socially responsible. The extant literature suggests it is pseudomaturity—having an older subjective age without genuine maturity—that is linked to problematic outcomes during adolescence. Such behaviors could not be viewed as beneficial outcomes even if agentically selected. Whether genuine or pseudomaturity develops may rest on family and community contexts, a third distinction in need of scrutiny.

One can imagine the adolescent who takes on extra responsibilities in the face of hardship but who works alongside parents or other individuals who model maturity and provide support. One can also imagine an adolescent burdened with responsibilities without such support e. This research uses data from Add Health, a program project designed by J. Richard Udry, Peter S. Special acknowledgment is due Ronald R. Rindfuss and Barbara Entwisle for assistance in the original design.

No direct support was received from grant PHD for this analysis. The authors thank Robert Crosnoe, Julie Kmec, and the members of the faculty research group at Washington State University for their comments on earlier drafts.

Monica Kirkpatrick Johnson is an associate professor in the department of sociology at Washington State University. Her research focuses on education and work-related processes during adolescence and the transition to adulthood, and particularly the social psychological experience of this life-course transition.

Her current work examines processes of subjective age identity and formation and change in ambitions during this period of the life course.

Her research focuses on social psychological approaches to understanding health behaviors and outcomes over the life course. Full-time work was not more common among those who had become parents and vice versa. As we dichotomized the responses, of those expecting to be killed by age 21, slightly over half expected to be alive at Of those expecting to be alive at 35, 10 percent expected by be killed by age With respect to feeling older, the coefficients for — percent of the poverty line and for feeling unsafe were more positive for males than for females; the coefficient for experiencing or witnessing violence was more positive for females than for males.

In each case for which we claim mediation, all three criteria were met. That the mediators have a significant association with the dependent variables is shown in Table 2. That the hardships show a reduction in their associations with the dependent variable across a model excluding the potential mediator and another including the potential mediator is shown in Table 2 supplemental models confirmed that these reductions were due to the role transitions specifically and are provided at www.

That the hardships predict the mediators is provided at www. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Author manuscript; available in PMC Sep See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract We examine whether hardship while growing up shapes subjective age identity, as well as three types of experiences through which it may occur.

Earlier Assumption of Age-graded Roles Consistent with the conceptualization of identities in identity theory, we expect that identities are based in social roles. Earlier Assumption of Responsibilities Those who have argued for the continued relevance of adult role transitions in marking adulthood have also endorsed the idea that adulthood is marked by qualities of character such as responsibility Shanahan et al. Perceived Location in the Life Span Another basis for age identities may lie in perceptions of where one is located in the life span.

Family Structure Family structure in childhood and adolescence may affect subjective aging because it is linked to responsibilities in the family as well as the timing of entry into adult roles. Poverty and Low Socioeconomic Status Economic hardship is also likely to accelerate subjective aging through the earlier assumption of responsibilities and earlier movement into adult roles. One young man from this study, clearly conveying the adult-like level of responsibility he shoulders, explains how inconsistent the role expectations he faces in school are from his family experience: Measures Subjective age Our measurement strategy follows closely from our theoretical concerns.

Hardship Similar to the dependent variables, the very notion of hardship suggests one end, rather than a continuous distribution, of experience. Feels older all the time a 0. Age at Wave III 18—26 years Housework every day at Wave I a 0. Open in a separate window. Standard errors in parentheses. Sensitivity Analysis Although our interest was in those with the oldest subjective ages i. Acknowledgments This research uses data from Add Health, a program project designed by J. Footnotes 1 Processes of commitment, identity salience, and behavior in one strand, and that of identity standards, behavior, and self-verification in another strand, are the primary foci of identity theory scholars, of course, and our study is not intended to examine these processes.

References Amato Paul R. The Consequences of Divorce for Adults and Children. Journal of Marriage and the Family. Advances in Life Course Research. Family Structure and Home-Leaving: A Further Specification of the Relationship. Conceptual, Strategic, and Statistical Considerations.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Rhetoric and Concern about Child-Victims. University of Chicago Press; The Script of Life in Modern Society: Entry into Adulthood in a Changing World.

Ethnography and Human Development: Context and Meaning in Social Inquiry. Chantala Kim, Tabor Joyce. Retrieved August http: Journal of Research on Adolescence. Results from the National Survey of Youth. Journal of Community Psychology. Children of the Great Depression: Social Change in Life Experience.

Westview Press; []

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