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He is an artist, illustrator, 3D sculptor and art teacher. His artistic work is characterized by his commitment to social justice. Foundations of Immigrant Acceptance Policy Attitudes The Prison Abolition Movement Blame the Big Banks From the Greek Revival to the Industrial Would it surprise you to learn that this call to action was actually originated by Bayard Rustin — a gay Black man who was not credited as an author of said treatise until ?

This semester, Perceptions undergraduate research journal received thirty wonderful submissions. The fifteen papers featured here each present the significance of testimony in times of change, fraught with both uncertainty and expectancy.

I am arguing that these attitudes of the domestic population in reference to immigrants can be included in the context of reception. Therefore, understanding what influences these attitudes is integral in expanding the knowledge about the role of immigration and the experiences of immigrants in the United States. Introduction The migration of persons between countries to seek opportunity and escape violence and oppression is an increasingly relevant topic in global media and discussions of policy formation.

As a developed nation, the United States has had a long-standing relationship with immigration and has been historically open toward immigrant populations Mazza and Van Winden This number has since risen to over 41 million Renwick and Lee and accounts for about This modern level of migration of low-wage laborers, professionals, entrepreneurs, refugees and asylees into the United States is associated with the contemporary era of economic restructuring and the widening of economic inequality Portes and Rumbaut A study conducted on reactions to immigration-related diversity in rural areas of America revealed that teenaged domestic individuals of lower economic status are more accepting of immigrants Gimpel and Lay However, this finding is an example of equal-status contact and that the relationship presented may be a result of residential context that is specific to these areas.

That is, this cohort may have reported accepting attitudes of immigrants due to their close contact with immigrant labor that has had an extended relationship with the agricultural industry in such rural environments. The age of these respondents is also important as teenagers are less likely to be active in the work force and therefore may not yet perceive economic competition for jobs.

The segmented assimilation model of Portes and Rumbaut indicates the importance of the mode of reception in analyzing and understanding the success of first and second-generation immigrants.

It is important to understand how the context of reception impacts these groups as they are an integral part of American society and are largely active in the domestic labor force. Even the undocumented immigrant population is associated with high levels of labor force involvement.

The context of reception can be highly correlated with the response to immigrants at the government level. In the context of the United States, despite the passage of the migration stimulating Immigration Act in , there have still been restrictions on selected refugee inflows Portes and Rumbaut This is an indication of the attitudinal effect of the context of reception on the success of a group that occupies a large portion of the American population and workforce. The concept of economic security and perceived competition seem to have greater support in relation to the impact of attitudes toward immigration on behalf of the domestic population.

On average, immigrant populations arrive with low levels of social capital but they can still produce fear of labor market instability because they compete for jobs with the domestic groups that benefit from redistribution Magni-Berton Preliminary analysis shows that attitudes and beliefs about acceptance of immigrant populations tend to vary along with the strength of the domestic economy Cosby et al.

The study done by Cosby et al. Each additional increase in perceived economic. There are modifications made to the model of assimilation by Kasinitz through a longitudinal study of first and second-generation immigrant experiences in New York.

The concepts of prejudice and discrimination are ob-. Deportation is perhaps the most contentious aspect of immigration reform Cosby et al and party specific policy preferences toward this topic may provide much insight about the innate levels of acceptance associated with Democrats, Republicans and Independents. Both figures are about the policy option of deportation and provide insight to the party specific differences in attitudes toward immigration.

The more liberal nature of the Democratic party with more support for racial and ethnic diversity Bonica et al. Conservatives and those who have long-standing roots in relation to nativity express less inviting attitudes Gimpel and Lay This may explain why more conservative groups like Republicans may be less accepting of immigrants as expressed through policy preferences toward deportation.

The political socialization of people through the mode of party affiliation may therefore have an impact on expressed levels of immigrant acceptance. There appears to be a separation in the views on immigration between the domestic unskilled population and the wealthier population, such as owners of capital; the wealthy are less concerned about immigrant competition for jobs and more concerned with the need for immigrant labor to fuel the national economy Cosby et al.

This may be because the general perception of immigrants as unskilled workers, which would lead unskilled domestic workers to perceive higher economic competition as they are unable to rely on their skill set to ensure their employment status in response to an increase in the size of the labor force.

Evidence has been found to support this perception on behalf of unskilled domestic workers as increased immigration has been observed to decrease the income level of unskilled domestic workers and increase the equilibrium unemployment rates of these groups Watcher There have also been observed relationships between an increase in the number of immigrants and positive outcomes for skilled workers of higher economic status.

Skilled older workers and the owners of capital would have observed an increase in income levels and occupational attainment in response to an increase in the levels of immigrant influx Watcher The presence of many differing and competing viewpoints toward immigration indicates that an understanding of public policy preferences and the underlying influences shaping them becomes important for policy formation.

Also, improved knowledge about the relationships between perceptions of economic competition on public support of anti-immigrant policies engenders an understanding of the public opinion psychology integral to immigration policy formation Cosby et al.

It is also important to note that the effect of anti-immigrant parties on policy formation has been found to be significant when the party holds the balance of power Bolin et al. This may have important implications about the power of political parties to impact the formation of attitudes toward immigration through legislation.

The focus of this study is to view if the relationship between immigrant acceptance and financial stability varies between Democrats, Independents and Republicans. Preferred Policy Formation Political parties retain certain views that are characteristic to each party and those who are affiliated with each party.

The prevailing attitudes of political parties toward immigrants can be observed through the acceptance or rejection of certain immigration policies on behalf of each party.

Therefore, the party with which a person is affiliated may impact their views toward the acceptance of immigrants and foreign labor forces. The specific research questions this study attempts to answer include: The following hypotheses, based in the previously stated findings of the literature review, will be used to investigate these questions:.

This variable was used as the dependent variable in this study. The eight items included: Each question had an ordinal five score response set that indicated a level of agreement with the statement or a level of change in the number of immigrants for item number 7.

Items 1,3,5,7 and 8 were reverse coded so that the higher numerical score correlated with a higher level of acceptance in reference to immigrants. The index variable included values from 8 to 40 but was rescaled into 1 to 33 in order to have a more meaningful lowest value. The GSS is a national survey that utilizes full probability sampling to view social trends through attitudinal modules and topics of special interest.

This low number of valid cases is a limitation due to the rotational item design and must be kept in mind when considering the generalizability of the findings. A second important limitation is the age of the data set.

This study is being conducted nearly 12 years after the collection of this data and changes in economic conditions of the country, as in the recession of , may result in differences in more contemporary views of immigration. Later versions of the survey could not be used due to several attitudinal questions about immigration being asked only in the edition of the survey.

A final limitation is the possibility of reporting errors that are commonly associated with self-reported data. This variable was a continuous measure but was collapsed into three categories: The census definition of the poverty threshold for the same year as the data set was considered in the recoding of this variable. Those with lower levels of family income will be more likely to be threatened by foreign labor forces and therefore will express lower levels of relative acceptance towards immigrants.

While individuals with lower family income will be less likely to be accepting of immigrants, this will be less so for Democrats and more so for Republicans, with Independents somewhere in between. This first hypothesis is supported by the concepts of perceived economic competition and financial security and the theory of the selfish-citizen. Observed policy preferences by each party in relation to immigrants and the option deportation gives support to the second hypothesis to be used. This variable was recoded into three categories: Results Table 1 displays the frequency and valid percent for each reported level of immigrant acceptance.

The variable is continuous with scores that range from The original mean score used to standardize the index was Table 2 displays the frequency and valid percent or. Measures Immigrant Acceptance Eight attitudinal items were taken from an immigration topical module in the data set to create the continu-.

Table 2 also presents the frequency and valid percent for the three political parties used: H2 as Democrats reported the highest levels of acceptance for every income level. This indicates that Democrats are the most accepting at all levels of family income, independents are the least accepting at the two lowest levels of family income and republicans were the least accepting of all political identities at the highest level of family income. The cumulative relationship is significant at the.

The eta-squared result is. This is reasonable as many variables like educational ambition, educational attainment, race, and immigrant status have had observed impacts on attitudes toward immigrants and immigration but were not controlled for in this study. Do individuals with different family income levels in relation to the poverty level have different levels of immigrant acceptance? Chart 1 displays the average z-scores of reported acceptance of immigrants for the three different income groups, showing that family income is, in fact, differentially related to attitudes toward immigrants.

The mean acceptance z-score for those under the poverty threshold was - 0. This indicates that those at the lowest family income level are the least accepting of immigrants and those with the highest family income levels are the most accepting of immigrants with the middle family income group remaining somewhere in-between.

The relationship is significant at the. Post hoc Scheffe tests reveal, as seen in table 3, that significant differences exist between the lowest and highest income levels but differences between the middle-income category and the other two are not significant. This finding therefore confirms H1 and suggests that those with lower levels of income will be less accepting of immigrants than those with higher economic status.

It is important to note that the f-test and significance test revealed that political party affiliation had a significant impact at the. Controlling for party affiliation enhanced this effect by increasing the magnitude of reported levels of acceptance in reference to immigrants. Caution needs to be exercised in generalizing these results due to the large percentage of missing cases at the trivariate level of analysis.

It is noteworthy that there were no negative reported z-scores for Democrats at any income level. This reveals that attitudes toward immigrants of Democrats, as visible through immigration policy preference, are more positive than the average level of immigrant acceptance. The partial confirmation of H2 can be explained through a bivariate analysis of immigrant acceptance by political party affiliation, see chart 3, in which post hoc Scheffe tests, see table 4, revealed that there were significant differences between Democrats and the other two parties but there were no significant differences between Republicans and Independents.

This suggests that the two more characteristically conservative parties may act in a similar fashion in terms of immigration policy formation. The findings of this study pair. Does affiliation with different political parties modify the relationship between income and acceptance of immigrants?

Chart 2 presents the average z-scores of reported acceptance of immigrants for the three income groups controlling for the three political parties used.


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