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The imprecision of the targeting is demonstrated by the inability of the Bureau to define the subjects of the programs. The Black Nationalist program, according to its supervisor, included "a great number of organizations that you might not today characterize as black nationalist but which were in fact primarily black.

Furthermore, the actual targets were chosen from a far broader group than the titles of the programs would imply. New Left targets ranged from the SDS to the InterUniversity Committee for Debate on Foreign Policy, from Antioch College "vanguard of the New Left" to the New Mexico Free University and other "alternate" schools, and from underground newspapers to students' protesting university censorship of a student publication by carrying signs with four-letter words on them.

Examples of surveillance, spanning all presidents from FDR to Nixon, both legal and illegal, contained in the Church Committee report: In letter writing campaigns wherein false letters were sent on behalf of members of parties , the FBI ensured that groups would not unite in their causes.

These racially diverse groups had been building alliances, in part due to charismatic leaders such as Fred Hampton and his attempts to create a "Rainbow Coalition". The FBI was concerned with ensuring that groups could not gain traction through unity, specifically across racial lines. One of the main ways of targeting these groups was to arouse suspicion between the different parties and causes. In this way the bureau took on a divide and conquer offensive. Many techniques were used to accomplish this task.

The FBI specifically developed tactics intended to heighten tension and hostility between various factions in the black power movement, for example between the Black Panthers and the US Organization.

They then intensified this by spreading falsely attributed cartoons in the black communities pitting the Black Panther Party against the US Organization. Dhoruba Bin Wahad a former Black Panther, reflects on how these tactics made him feel, saying he had a combat mentality and felt like he was at war with the government.

When asked about why he thinks the Black Panthers were targeted he said, "In the United States, the equivalent of the military was the local police. During the early sixties, at the height of the civil rights movement, and the human rights movement, the police in the United States became increasingly militaristic. They began to train out of military bases in the United States. The Law Enforcement Assistance Act supplied local police with military technology, everything from assault rifles to army personnel carriers.

In his opinion, the Counterintelligence Program went hand-in-hand with the militarization of the police in the Black community, with the militarization of police in America.

The FBI also conspired with the police departments of many U. He then gave Hampton a dose of secobarbital that rendered Hampton unconscious during the raid on his home. In order to eliminate black militant leaders whom they considered dangerous, the FBI is believed to have worked with local police departments to target specific individuals, [73] accuse them of crimes they did not commit, suppress exculpatory evidence and falsely incarcerate them.

Elmer "Geronimo" Pratt , a Black Panther Party leader, was incarcerated for 27 years before a California Superior Court vacated his murder conviction, ultimately freeing him.

Appearing before the court, an FBI agent testified that he believed Pratt had been framed, because both the FBI and the Los Angeles Police Department knew he had not been in the area at the time the murder occurred. Some sources claim that the FBI conducted more than " black bag jobs ", [76] [77] which were warrantless surreptitious entries, against the targeted groups and their members. In the FBI special agent in San Francisco wrote Hoover that his investigation of the Black Panther Party had concluded that in his city, at least, the Panthers were primarily engaged in feeding breakfast to children.

Hoover fired back a memo implying the agent's career goals would be directly affected by his supplying evidence to support Hoover's view that the Black Panther Party was "a violence-prone organization seeking to overthrow the Government by revolutionary means".

Hoover supported using false claims to attack his political enemies. In one memo he wrote: In one particularly controversial incident, white civil rights worker Viola Liuzzo was murdered by Ku Klux Klansmen , who gave chase and fired shots into her car after noticing that her passenger was a young black man; one of the Klansmen was Gary Thomas Rowe , an acknowledged FBI informant.

Edgar Hoover personally communicated these insinuations to President Johnson. FBI informant Rowe has also been implicated in some of the most violent crimes of the s civil rights era, including attacks on the Freedom Riders and the Birmingham, Alabama 16th Street Baptist Church bombing.

According to Noam Chomsky , in another instance in San Diego , the FBI financed, armed, and controlled an extreme right-wing group of former Minutemen , transforming it into a group called the Secret Army Organization that targeted groups, activists, and leaders involved in the Anti-War Movement, using both intimidation and violent acts.

Hoover ordered preemptive action "to pinpoint potential troublemakers and neutralize them before they exercise their potential for violence. The final report of the Church Committee concluded:. Too many people have been spied upon by too many Government agencies and too much information has been illegally collected.

The Government has often undertaken the secret surveillance of citizens on the basis of their political beliefs, even when those beliefs posed no threat of violence or illegal acts on behalf of a hostile foreign power.

The Government, operating primarily through secret and biased informants, but also using other intrusive techniques such as wiretaps, microphone "bugs", surreptitious mail opening, and break-ins, has swept in vast amounts of information about the personal lives, views, and associations of American citizens.

Investigations of groups deemed potentially dangerous—and even of groups suspected of associating with potentially dangerous organizations—have continued for decades, despite the fact that those groups did not engage in unlawful activity. Groups and individuals have been assaulted, repressed, harassed and disrupted because of their political views, social beliefs and their lifestyles.

Investigations have been based upon vague standards whose breadth made excessive collection inevitable. Unsavory, harmful and vicious tactics have been employed—including anonymous attempts to break up marriages, disrupt meetings, ostracize persons from their professions, and provoke target groups into rivalries that might result in deaths.

Intelligence agencies have served the political and personal objectives of presidents and other high officials. While the agencies often committed excesses in response to pressure from high officials in the Executive branch and Congress, they also occasionally initiated improper activities and then concealed them from officials whom they had a duty to inform. Governmental officials—including those whose principal duty is to enforce the law—have violated or ignored the law over long periods of time and have advocated and defended their right to break the law.

The Constitutional system of checks and balances has not adequately controlled intelligence activities. Until recently the Executive branch has neither delineated the scope of permissible activities nor established procedures for supervising intelligence agencies. Congress has failed to exercise sufficient oversight, seldom questioning the use to which its appropriations were being put. Most domestic intelligence issues have not reached the courts, and in those cases when they have reached the courts, the judiciary has been reluctant to grapple with them.

Authors such as Ward Churchill , Rex Weyler , and Peter Matthiessen allege that the federal government intended to acquire uranium deposits on the Lakota tribe's reservation land, and that this motivated a larger government conspiracy against AIM activists on the Pine Ridge reservation. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Introduction and Summary" PDF. Archived PDF from the original on The Untold American Story.

World Conference Against Racism. Archived from the original on American Civil Liberties Union. In Bezanson, Kate; Webber, Michelle. Rethinking Society in the 21st Century 4th ed. Globalization in the 21st Century: Labor, Capital, and the State on a World Scale. Only two of those black nigger fuckers were killed, Fred Hampton and Mark Clark.

Hoover explained that the 'purpose of counterintelligence action is to disrupt the BPP and it is immaterial whether facts exist to substantiate the charge. Many organizations were destabilized with arrests, raids, break-ins, and killings. In that top secret and tightly compartmentalized world, an FBI inside of the FBI, Sullivan served as the executor of Hoover's most clandestine and recondite demands.

He personally renewed his authorization for the taps on Levison's office, and he approved Hoover's request to tap Levison's home telephone, where King called late at night several times a week. University of Illinois Press. The New York Times. When King traveled, as he did constantly in the ensuing weeks, to Washington, Milwaukee, Los Angeles, and Honolulu, the Bureau planted hidden microphones in his hotel rooms.

The FBI placed a total of eight wiretaps and sixteen bugs on King. America in the King Years — A Memoir 1st ed. Criminal, Minister, Humanist, Martyr". The Converging Martyrdom of Malcolm and Martin. City University of New York. Army intelligence shared all their reports over the next three years. All three intelligence services sent the names of Americans to the National Security Agency for inclusion on a global watch list; the NSA relayed back to the FBI hundreds of transcripts of intercepted telephone calls to and from suspect Americans.

Retrieved April 17, Archived from the original on September 28, Retrieved July 13, From the Bullet to the Ballot: Famous Assassinations in World History: The Death of Fred Hampton". Still Black, Still Strong. A Taste of Power: A Black Woman's Story. Retrieved April 30, Archived from the original on 12 February CORE resumes direct action protests and the Klan continues to attack them. They are opposed and attacked by hundreds of whites who rove the downtown area assaulting Blacks.

On Sunday, the stores are closed for the sabbath so all is quiet. As described by author Adam Fairclough in Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, Klansmen had a remarkable facility for blending in the with the milling white onlookers, darting out to strike demonstrators and then darting back to the crowded sidewalks.

On July 11, for example, an FBI agent saw forty to fifty young white men moving towards a BVCL march; when a contingent of state troopers approached they "seemed to melt into the crowd and the clubs, sticks, and ballbats A pickup truck speeds by them.

Two white gunmen in the back open fire. Moore is killed instantly. Rogers, on the passenger side, is wounded and permanently injured when the patrol car veers off the road and smashes into a tree. An hour later a police roadblock in Mississippi stops a truck that matches the description given by Rogers. Ray McElveen, a CZ employee, is arrested. He is also assumed to be a member of the KKK. He is charged with Moore's murder, but never brought to trial. The murder remains "unsolved" to this day.

FBI agents later tell reporters that they believe it was a Klan operation. Louisiana Attorney-General Jack Gremillion rules that O'Neal's widow is not eligible for state employee survivor benefits because he had not been killed "while engaged in the direct apprehension of a person. The demonstrators, however, are busted on the slightest excuse. They handcuffed me with my hands behind my back and took me to the city jail in a city police car, with the Sheriff's car following.

When they took me from the car at the jail they started shoving and kicking me. This continued as they brought me into the jail. While I was being booked, in front of the Desk Sargent, I was kicked and knocked down on the floor. The only time they said anything to me was when I had been knocked down. Get up from there! The suit demands that the Bogalusa cops protect Afro-American protesters from the Klan and white mobs, and stop harassing, beating, and arresting demonstrators exercising their Constitutional right of free speech.

Police complicity in the brutal attack at Cassidy Park on May 19 is presented as a case in point. Hattie Mae Hill 17 is wounded by a rock that strikes her in the head.

Since the public hospital won't treat protesters, they try to get her to the MCHR aid station in the Black community but they are attacked by angry whites. Klansman try to grab the two women in the back seat, they pull Johnson from the car, beating and kicking him.

Austin tries to push them back and rescue Johnson. When that fails he fires his pistol in the air. To save Johnson he then shoots one of the white attackers, injuring but not killing him. The police then arrest both Johnson and Austin. The Klansmen, of course, are left free to continue attacking other protesters.

He issues an injunction ordering Bogalusa police and Washington Parish sheriffs to protect Black protesters from mob attack and to halt their own " He is somewhere between the white man and the ape. What the nigger really wants is our white women. Cutrer and other city officials know their support among white voters has dropped to almost nothing and with it their ability to control events.

McKeithen refuses, but offers to help broker a deal. He meets twice with Young and Hicks, offering to set up more negotiations with city officials if they agree to suspend protests for a day "cooling off" period.

The BVCL refuses to halt direct action in return for vague promises of more talk. Appalled at the ease with which the KKK roams the streets and assaults CORE demonstrators, he reports that the State Troopers are trying to enforce Judge Christenberry's injunction, but the city police and parish deputies are ignoring it.

As described by Fairclough: On July 16, for example, Doar saw whites attack pickets at the Pine Tree Plaza shopping center; the next day a barber drenched two white pickets with a hose and smeared soap on their arms and shoulders, commenting, " You pickets smell like niggers and need a bath. During the second incident, policemen stood by laughing. They file a lawsuit to enjoin the KKK and 35 named Klansmen from violence. Another federal lawsuit seeks to desegregate several restaurants, and brutality charges are brought against the parish K9 squad for the beating of Sam Barnes in the parish jail.

Overnight, Washington crushed the white supremacist coup in Bogalusa and forced local authorities to uphold the law. In retrospect, what is remarkable was how little was required to destroy the Klan and force local authorities to protect citizens' rights and liberties. The federal government did nothing more than threaten city officials with modest fines and light jail sentences.

See Bogalusa to Baton Rouge march for continuation of the Bogalusa movement. In defiance of pervasive Klan violence and police repression, it is the courage and committment of Bogalusa's Black community that sustains the struggle month after month. Day after day, young people nonviolently endure KKK attacks on downtown streets.

Week after week the adults of BVCL keep up the pressure and refuse to give in or settle for token promises. And throughout, it is the armed protection of the Deacons that keeps the Movement alive by shielding the community, its leaders, and activists from assasinations, bombings, and other forms of lethal terrorism. Labor-led rather than church-based. Louisiana has more industry than the other Deep South states and because of its unique history unions are more common than in states like Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina though, of course, no one would ever equate Louisiana with labor strongholds like Michigan, Massachusetts, or New York.

And because Louisiana segregation laws require separate "white" and "Colored" locals, there is a cadre of experienced Afro-American labor activists in places like Bogalusa even though Black workers in the Crown-Zellerbach plants are heavily outnumbered by whites. Through the union, these Afro-American labor leaders have an organizational base and constituency. They are respected in their community, and the political skills needed to win election to union office can be applied to building and leading a community-based political organization.

In other areas of the South, where Black unions don't exist, local freedom movements are usually based in the churches and most often led by ministers or other members of the middle-class. But in Bogalusa the movement is anchored in the union and led by working-class activists like A. Young, Robert Hicks, and Gayle Jenkins. While some mass meetings and other Movement activities are held in Bogalusa churches, the union hall is the center of the struggle, it is the main venue for mass meetings and voter registration classes, the assembly site for mass marches, and the rally point protesters retreat to when under Klan attack.

The power-structure and the Ku Klux Klan. The KKK is a terrorist organization dedicated to maintaining white-supremacy through violence, and the threat of violence. Some state and local politicians share the Klan's racist views and are either actually, or in effect, members themselves. Others adopt the Klan's rhetoric out of political expediency or from threat of economic or violent retaliation.

Large employers like Crown-Zellerbach fear destructive sabotage of their expensive manufacturing equipment if they themselves become a target of the Klan's wrath, and at times they find the KKK useful in keeping the labor force divided against itself, white versus Black. While the federal government has little reason to fear KKK violence directed at themselves, politicians and bureaucrats in Washington do carefully count the cost to their careers and agendas if they cross powerful southern Senators or alienate white voters.

Klan terror is based on ambush, mob violence, and attacks on those who cannot fight back. But despite their posturing and fiery rhetoric, few Klansmen are willing to risk their own skins when their victims are armed, organized, and willing to return fire.

Once the Deacons establish themselves, Klan caravans and night-riders no longer raid the Afro-American community and cross-burnings in Black neighborhoods dwindle away. Nor are Klansmen willing to face serious jail time.

So long as local law enforcement gives them effective immunity from arrest and prosecution they are eager to brutalize nonviolent protesters. So long as they are confident that local white juries won't convict them if they're caught, they feel free to bushwhack Blacks.

But when the federal government finally musters the political courage to risk electoral fallout and confront both the Klan and local cops, overt Klan violence is driven underground and largely suppressed. See Clarence Triggs Murdered for continuation. For more information on the Bogalusa Civil Rights Movement: Passage of the Civil Rights Act of lays the legal foundation for finally dismantling the overt, state-enforced system of Jim Crow social segregation.

But laws passed in Washington mean little until they are implemented on the ground by courageous social pioneers. In some places change comes peacefully, in others such as Bogalusa Louisiana and Grenada Mississippi white resistance is fierce and the struggle is brutal.

So despite passage of these landmark laws, campaigns to end segregation, register voters, elect Blacks to office, and achieve a share of political power continue for years. Voting rights, and the slow but steady dismantling of segregation, begin to bring some profound changes to social and legal aspects of the "southern way of life," but by it is clear that those landmark victories are having little effect on the grinding poverty and ruthless exploitation endured by nonwhites and poor whites in both the South and North.

Nationwide, Freedom Movement activists begin to seek ways of addressing systems of economic injustice that are ultimately rooted in the enormous inequalities of political and economic power between rich and poor, and white and Black.

In the South, efforts to create new kinds of labor unions, welfare and food rights groups, poor peoples' organizations, effective War on Poverty programs, and a variety of farm, commercial, employment, housing, and purchasing cooperatives are all undertaken, as are SNCC and SCEF-supported efforts to organize poor southern whites.

But successes are few. Simultaneous with the voting rights battles of that year are efforts to obtain adequate food for the rural poor, organize the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union , form the Poor Peoples Corporation in Mississippi, and unionize a brick factory in Marshall County. From onwards, coperatives of many kinds are proposed and some are successfully organized.

King's support of the Memphis Garbage Workers Strike in continue the effort to find some effective way of winning justice and addressing the political roots of poverty in the South. But the deck is stacked against achieving significant economic reform. Nonviolent protest tactics such as sit-ins, freedom rides, mass marches and merchant boycotts proved effective against segregation and denial of voting rights, but they are harder to apply and less successful against economic injustice.

Strikes require a strong union supported by the majority of employees, but state anti-union "right to work" laws, biased anti-union courts, pro-business NLRB procedures and rulings, and internal union weaknesses all cripple labor organizing. Racism pits white and Black workers against each other and the Jim Crow history of many unions makes bridging racial divides difficult.

Despite its stirring "War on Poverty" rhetoric, the federal government is unwilling to encourage or even allow reforms that significantly alter the existing relations of economic power between white and Black, rich and poor.

Department of Agriculture collusion in excluding Afro-American from farm programs and maintaining the ASCS county committees as all-white bastions of economic power are clear examples of Washington's political commitment to established power-structures. And War on Poverty programs themselves often prove divisive as people, many of whom were former allies, scramble and compete for grants and positions.

From state to county to town, the white power-structure views any effort to alter the economic status-quo as "Communist subversion" which they ferociously suppress. In this they are abetted by local media, civic organizations, and many religious leaders who spread and promote a culture of anti-Communist fear and hysteria.

The White Citizens Council is well organized and ever vigilant, ruthlessly wielding economic power to counter and destroy any attempt to organize unions, form cooperatives, enact reform legislation, or elect Blacks to office. Moreover, addressing economic issues requires enormous long-term patience, steadfast energy, and new tactics, techniques, and organizing concepts; but by , burn-out and exhaustion have become significant problems among local community leaders and Movement activists who have been enduring deadly danger, jail, beatings, economic hardship, and intense pressure for years.

Many of the young organizers who dropped out of college in the early '60s are now returning to school, and while their replacements are equally committed to the struggle, they are far less experienced. At the same time, divisive and debilitating internal disputes over issues of race, class, nonviolence, and ultimate strategic goals are weakening the cohesive bonds of unity and solidarity that hold the Movement together.

In the rural South, the situation is grim for those at the bottom of the economic pyramid. Herbicides are eliminating the need for hand "chopping" of weeds, and machines can now pick cotton cheaper and quicker. And cotton itself is being replaced by less labor-intensive alternatives such as livestock chickens, cattle, catfish , row-crops like corn and soy, and timber for pulp mills.

Local power-structures are eagerly seeking northern investment, and their chief selling point is a low-wage, non-union business environment. They are determined to prevent any form of union organizing or campaigns for economic reform.

And when economic issues are on the table, some members of the Black elite who supported struggles against Jim Crow and for voting rights find themselves torn between community solidarity and their personal financial interests.

Nationally, some leaders of the Democratic Party who supported the struggle for Black civil rights in the South are unsympathetic, or actively opposed, to campaigns around issues of economic justice and efforts to empower the "have-nots" of American society.

Economics, Class, and Race. Pickers are usually paid by the pound, the scales are often crooked, and in many cases earnings are not paid in money but rather as deductions from debt owed to a plantation store where the books are secret and the amount owed is whatever the overseer says it is.

Many are dispossessed sharecroppers now forced to eke out what little they can as day laborers. The idea of a union is discussed, if they cannot improve their lives individually, perhaps working together they can survive.

But no formal action is taken. They decide they need a union and bring the idea to the county mass meeting where it is enthusiastically accepted by all. The first 50 members sign up, union officers are elected, and they begin planning a strike. They make the decisions, write the materials, organize new members, run the meetings, and keep the books. Why make your child work for low wages when you all of your life have been working for nothing?

Why buy the white man steak when you can't hardly eat neckbones? As cheap as chicken is you can't eat it but once a week on Sunday. Wake up and think. We as Negroes should want to be equal and get high wages. For over two hundred years we have been working for nothing. Please join the union because if you are not in a union you just aren't anywhere. In Sunflower County, cotton workers in Indianola strike. Union secretary is Mrs. The lady I used to work for would give me dinner and let me off early.

I used to do chopping later in the day and I would make three dollars a day. But after James Meredith at 'Ole Miss in l, she let me off. The last times I worked for her she wouldn't even give me dinner. I expect the boss man's going to come 'round here to ask me to leave any time now. Laborers on the A. When the owner refuses, they go on strike. The Sheriff sends a prison work-gang to evict them from their rundown homes which are owned by the plantation, dumping all of their belongings out on the highway.

Other white plantation owners try to force their Black tenants to scab for Andrews. When that fails, he imports poor whites from Arkansas to maintain and harvest his cotton. By June, are on strike in the Delta. County welfare authorities cut off the free federal commodity food that people rely on to feed their children. A local court issues an injunction limiting pickets to no more than four. The isolated strikers are shot at, sprayed with ammonia, and have to dodge cars that try to run them down.

Local law enforcement ignores their complaints. Strike supporters are arrested on trumped up charges. The federal government proves at best indifferent, and in the case of the Department of Agriculture actively hostile, to the strikers and the plight of Blacks in general.

Friends of SNCC chapters in the north send food, clothing, and small amounts of money. The Delta Ministry provides tents and food to house evicted families on a Black-owned farm in Tribbet not far from Greenville. They call it "Strike City" and it is sustained with the aid of Delta Ministry activists. By cotton-picking time, close to a thousand workers are on strike in six Delta counties. But that is only a fraction of the total number of Black agriculture workers in the area.

Despite their courage and determination, the strikers are unable to affect the owners' ability to tend and harvest their crop. Some planters increase wages for their nonstriking tractor drivers by a dollar or so a day, but the strikers fail to win any concessions and they are blacklisted from future work for white employers.

As the hard times of Fall and Winter close in, some strikers join the mass migration of dispossessed Blacks from rural to urban areas, while others hold out as best they can in Strike City and other Delta communities.

It's a small county, much of it bog and alligator-infested swampland. In , the total population is just 3, down from 5, in Some students from adjacent Sharkey County take some too. On Friday, January 29, a few of the students wear them to school. We just wanted to wear the pins, that's all, " said one of them later. Eleven years after Brown v Board of Education , the small Issaquena school system is still totally segregated into separate and unequal white and Colored schools.

Jordan, the Black principle of the all-Black Henry Weathers High School is appointed by the all-white county school board. He has no job tenure, there is no teachers union, and he can be fired at will. He orders the students to stop wearing the SNCC pins. Over the weekend, the students talk among themselves, " We got together with a lot of other kids and we all decided to wear the SNCC pins on the next school day. They pass out additional pins to others in the hallway.

School administrators later allege that some of them, "Accosted other students by pinning the buttons on them even though they did not ask for one.

At least refuse. They are summoned to the principal's office, their names are noted down, and they are required to wait in the hall while Jordan calls the white Superintendent. After more than an hour, the students are again told to remove the pins and return to class. Most of them continue to wear their buttons. Under orders from Jordan, teachers refuse to let them into the classrooms.

The entire student body is called to assembly. While Jordan confers with the teachers and white authorities, the students waiting in the gym talk among themselves. We decided that we wanted to ask him some questions. We asked him, how would he feel if his own daughter was forced to bend over, touch her toes, and get whipped on the backside like we do.

And we asked him, how come there was no Colored people on the school board even though 70 per cent of the county is Colored people? And we asked him, was he registered to vote? He orders them to stop asking questions and return to class. But by now the school day is almost over and everyone goes home. The next day, Tuesday, February 2nd: So many kids came to school wearing SNCC pins that we couldn't count them all.

The principal began the day by calling a general assembly. He said that he would listen to no more questions. Then he read from a book a rule saying that, "Any student who disrupts school can be suspended or expelled by the principal.

Any student who wore a pin the next day would be suspended, and any student who wore a SNCC pin on Thursday, said the principal, would be expelled and not allowed to go to school anywhere in Mississippi. Few of those wearing freedom buttons take them off. On Wednesday, more than of the 1, students wear pins, as do some of the children in the elementary school. And over in adjacent Sharkey County, some high school students do the same.

Again Principal Jordan calls an assembly. To quell this spontaneous defiance of the "southern way of life" where "Colored folk" are submissive, docile and contented with their lot, he suspends the students whose names were taken down on Monday and threatens the same for anyone else who continues to defy the edict against freedom buttons. He tells them they can only return to school if they sign a written promise not to participate in any kind of civil rights activity including wearing SNCC pins.

Close to pin-wearing students who have not yet been suspended walk out of school in solidarity with those who have been expelled. Parents and others from the community, many of them MFDP members, meet in the evening.

Led by MFDP Delegate Unita Blackwell, they agree that the issue is more fundamental than the right of their children to freely wear whatever pins they want. They call for a school boycott to support the students. On Thursday, close to elementary school children are kept home by parents supporting the boycott. The majority of the 1, students at Weathers High School refuse to attend class. A parents committee tries to meet with the all-white school board to discuss the situation.

The school board refuses to sit in the same room with them. The boycott spreads into Sharkey County. By the next week, more than 1, students in the two counties are on strike.

With national media attention focused on Selma and Bogalusa the boycott is ignored by the press. Parents and students begin organizing Freedom Schools in local churches and homes. Older students teach the younger ones. Freedom Schools elsewhere in the state send books, materials, and expressions of support. The teachers in high school never did try to teach us anything.

They don't care about us or about Freedom. All we can do in this county is chop cotton anyhow. We don't need a diploma to chop cotton. We want our Freedom! This is a revolutionary concept in education. Students can give themselves a better education than the local schools can about what democracy is, what freedom means and how people work together to bring about changes in the society.

These are the most relevant things to their lives. They understand, and share, the students' frustration with the strictly limited, racially-biased curriculum they are forced to teach. But the white school board can fire them at will, and they have to toe the line or lose their jobs. As the boycott continues, a total of high school students are suspended for the remainder of the year. Teachers suspected of supporting the students are informed that their work contracts won't be renewed in the Fall.

In early March the NAACP petitions the school board to re-admit the suspended students and allow them to wear civil rights pins. There is no response. On April 1st, , Blackwell v Issaquena County Board of Education is filed in federal district court demanding re-admission of the suspended students, free speech rights, and the desegregation of the Issaquena County school system. The case is heard by Judge William Harold Cox, a white native of Mississippi and an outspoken segregationist.

A former 'Ole Miss college roommate of the racist Senator James Eastland who chairs the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee, he had been appointed to the federal bench in by President Kennedy as part of a back room deal. In a voter registration case, Cox referred to Blacks as " a bunch of chimpanzees, " and he told Justice Department attorney John Doar that he was, " not interested in whether the registrar is going to give a registration test to a bunch of niggers on a voter drive.

Cox hears the case in May. Under this kind of "Catch" rationale, protesting a denial of freedom then becomes legal justification for denying that freedom. On appeal, Cox's ruling is upheld by the federal 5th Circuit Court the following year. However, eleven years after Brown v Board of Education and one year after passage of the Civil Rights Act of , Cox has no legal choice but to order Issaquena County to begin slowly desegregating their school system.

But under Cox's supervision, the school board is permitted to drag out the process for another five years until In the Fall of , the "no movement activity" promise is not enforced and most students return to class. The popular Freedom Schools are continued every summer until the schools are finally desegregated.

For more information on the Freedom Movement in Issaquena County: After accepting the Nobel Prize in December of , Dr. King meets with President Johnson in the White House. The President informs King that voting rights are not on his agenda for now. Johnson's priority is his "Great Society," War on Poverty legislation. And, though he doesn't mention it to King, the war in Vietnam he is about to greatly expand.

LBJ assures King that he'll get around to Black voting rights someday, but not in I'm going to do it eventually, but I can't get a voting rights bill through in this session of Congress. King and the Freedom Movement are unwilling to wait for Johnson's " eventually.

When Johnson is inaugurated on January 20, his speech makes no mention of the hundreds of Americans in Alabama who are being arrested and brutalized for trying to register to vote. But the Black citizens of Selma and the surrounding rural counties refuse to back down. Public pressure on the White House to do something intensifies. Johnson orders the Justice Department to draft a legislative strategy for ensuring Black voting rights.

Except for prohibiting certain kinds of discriminatory restrictions, the U. Constitution is silent on voter qualifications and procedures. Historically, determining who can vote, and how voters are registered, has been left to the states. Attorney General Katzenbach is reluctant to encroach on these traditional states rights, he sees it as unknown legal territory frought with legal and political risks.

He and his staff toss around the idea of some kind of new constitutional amendment, perhaps something like the 19th Amendment granting woman suffrage. But civil rights activists adamantly oppose that idea as a stalling tactic.

The Constitution already guarantees full citizenship to non-whites including the right to vote, the problem is enforcing those rights in the face of procedures and barriers enacted by the states. A new national voting law is needed, one that will enable and require the federal government to protect the voting rights of racial minorities. And if an amendment is eventually ratified, Congress will then have to enact new legislation a bill to implement it and that requires overcoming yet another filibuster.

The days and weeks of February pass by with little legislative progress. By the end of the month, more than 4, people have been arrested in Alabama, many have been fired or evicted from their homes, others have endured brutal police violence, and Jimmie Lee Jackson has been murdered.

And no more than a handful of Blacks have actually been registered. In Washington, public and Congressional pressure to do something continues to intensify. Adding to that pressure is international condemnation, Soviet propaganda, and the realities of Cold War geopolitics. As political pressure mounts, the Justice Department grudgingly begins to consider what role if any the national government might play in securing voting rights for Blacks and other racial minorities faced with state voting barriers.

On " Bloody Sunday ," March 7th, hundreds of nonviolent marchers are savagely attacked by police and civilian "possemen" on the Edmund Pettus bridge in Selma. News coverage of this brutal assault on peaceful protesters is broadcast world-wide.

In the words of many, " All hell breaks loose. Katzenbach huddles with Justice Department lawyers. Reluctantly, they shelve the Constitutional amendment plan and turn to drafting a voting-rights bill. Civil rights leaders are pleased that the administration is now willing to consider legislation rather than some chimerical constitutional amendment but there still remains an underlying difference in approach.

To Freedom Movement activists voting is a fundamental right. All citizens should have the right to participate in the democratic political process regardless of their economic status, education level, or any other factor. Given the long and brutal history of southern states systematically denying the vote to nonwhites, simple justice requires that the federal government finally implement the 14th and 15th Amendments by enacting legislation to grant all citizens the right to vote wholesale.

But the Johnson administration, and the Washington power-elite in general, accept the traditional premise that states have the right to establish qualifications which restrict who is allowed to vote.

Only now are they reluctantly being driven to the conclusion that some new legislation must be enacted to require that those qualifications no longer be explicitly race-based or applied in a race-biased manner.

There is simply no way they will consider any "register-everyone" type bill. The inevitable southern filibuster cannot be overcome without substantial Republican support. Soon Katzenbach, Justice Department lawyers, Republican and Democrat Senate leaders, Senate staff, and civil rights leaders are all involved in negotiating a bipartisan voting bill that can effectively end racial voting barriers yet still gain enough Republican support to defeat a southern filibuster. Though the protests have focused on Black voting rights, Freedom Movement leaders insist that the bill address all forms of vote-related racial bias.

Latinos trying to register or vote in Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, Arizona and parts of California have long faced discriminatory procedures, intimidation, and economic retaliation; as have Native Americans throughout the West, portions of the Northeast, and Alaska. Feeling the heat both domestically and internationally, LBJ pushes them to move fast, the voting rights issue is diverting attention from his "Great Society" legislation and undermining his Vietnam strategy.

He now wants a bill and he wants it now. Katzenbach is ordered to come up with something the President can present to Congress on the weekend of March , just days away.

By Friday the 12th, the negotiators have agreed that the bill must include some provision for suspending the so-called " literacy tests " and also federal authority to register voters in counties that continue to systematically deny voting rights. But there is no agreement on the formulas or thresholds that would trigger such "drastic" action. By an odd coincidence, all the formulas proposed by Johnson administration officials are drafted in such a way that none of them will apply to conditions in Texas where Blacks, Latinos and Indians all face voting rights discrimination.

Homes of voting rights activists are shot into and bombed. Memories are still fresh of Black leaders assassinated for advocating the vote. Churches and offices used in registration drives are burned. Police intimidation, retaliation, and political suppression are flagrant.

Voting applicants and civil rights workers are subject to arrest on trumped up charges, peaceful voter registration rallies and nonviolent marches are broken up with clubs, gas, and mass arrests. A general clause outlawing threats and intimidation is added to the draft bill. But "Law and order" Republicans and Democrats adamantly oppose any kind of specific restriction on police actions, or any sort of oversight of local police behavior on the part of Washington.

In its present form this bill will not protect the citizens of Danville, Virginia, who must live in constant fear of a police state.

It will not protect the hundreds and thousands of people that have been arrested on trumped charges. Blacks in the South who attempt to register, cast ballots, or participate in Democratic Party activities are fired from their jobs or evicted from their rented shacks.

Banks foreclose on mortgages and suppliers boycott Black businesses. Similar tactics are used against Latinos in the Southwest. But pro-business Republicans and Democrats oppose legislation that might grant any arm of government authority to "intrude" on the "business decisions" of private enterprise or to investigate or regulate the motivations behind individual business actions.

A bill that contains any such restrictions on "free enterprise" cannot possibly pass. Economic barriers to voting are not included in the draft bill. With specific restrictions on police conduct and economic retaliation off the table, poll taxes emerge as the main bone of contention. These taxes are used to prevent poor Blacks and poor whites from voting. These taxes are often cumulative and have to be paid even in years when there are no elections.

That might not sound like a lot of money, but for impoverished Blacks and whites too with hungry children and only seasonal employment, it forces an economic choice between voting and the necessities of life.

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